After questioning Franco on several aspects, I now have a translation of
his article reporting important findings from Florentine documents of
the summer of 1377, from which the motivation for much of his research
since has come. This essay appeared originally in The Playing Card vol. 44 (2015-2016) no. 3, pp. 166-173, now online at http://www.naibi.net/A/423-1377-Z.pdf. My translation first appeared on Tarot History Forum at https://forum.tarothistory.com/viewtopic.php?p=16886#p16886. Comments in brackets are mine. My object was a literal translation,
sometimes at the expense of elegance and simplicity, for which I
apologize to author and reader for my lack of skill.
Franco Pratesi, "1377: Firenze – Condanne ai giocatori di naibi"
English abstract
Two books of the Podestà of Florence, with records from July to October
1377, have been examined for this study. In addition to the expected
captures of gamblers playing the dice game of Zara - about one hundred- a
dozen captures can be read there for players of Naibi, at such an early
stage. All these players were Florence dwellers, living in six
different parishes all around the town. The spread of the game in
Florence is commented on, as well as the implicit confirmation that a
remarkable production of playing cards was already established there.
Introduction
In the history of playing cards, and card games, the Florentine
provision of March 1377 has a special role. In older contributions, this
law was not known; when we heard the news, there were many
uncertainties and inaccuracies before the document was checked with the
original and recognized as valid; for a long time it was considered the
oldest evidence for all of Europe. More recently, the authenticity of
other documents has been recognized and the Florentine testimony seems
to have lost its lead, but remains in any case one of the oldest
documents in this regard.
Here we are not interested in other cities, and the Florentine provision
in 1377 is the natural starting point. A study of that document
appeared years ago in this journal 1; rereading it after a quarter of a
century I find it still valid on the whole. One of the points that
should be adjusted is the idea that the word naibi was virtually unknown
in Florence, for the reason that even in official documents it was
written in a different way; this remains true, but only partly, because
writing naibi or naibj
cannot be attributed to ignorance of the term, but only to alternatives
in writing the final letter that is also observed for more familiar
names.
Reading the provisions leaves strong doubts for us about the situation
in months, if not several years, before. We can go back a long way, at
least for Florence, it is excluded as much based on documents from other
sources as for for reasons internal to the text, considering that it
speaks of noviter in(n)olevit, and that noviter
serves to show that there could not have been a long Florentine
tradition. However, it is also true that if the new game was spreading
in the city to the point of worrying the city councils, it could
_______________
1 F. Pratesi, The Playing-Card, 17, No. 3 (1989) 107-112.
167
not be something isolated, known only by a few, maybe a merchant who had
brought it to his family or among his partners in business, a deck of
playing cards found in an exotic location.
Assuming that such an event actually occurred before cards took on the
character of a game of the masses, such as to be considered by the
communal council, not a little amount of time would be needed. In fact,
the presence of a memento was not enough; for it to be reasonably used
in a game, the understanding and acceptance of its rules was essential,
observed by various players in agreement; Also the number of decks of
the new cards had to be multiplied somehow.
In short, what happened in Florence before March 1377 remains a mystery
to be investigated; Now, however, we can put aside all possible
hypotheses about it and move on to read other documents of that same
year 1377, simply transferring ourselves from spring to summer.
Books of the Podestà studied
The present study is part of a wider investigation conducted in the
Governmental Archives of Florence (ASFI) on the documents relating to
the history of card games in Tuscany. One strand of this research has
been on the books of the foreign magistrates [rettori forestieri] and the Books of the Fleur-de-lys [Libri del Giglio,
which Franco tells me had a big fleur-de-lys on their covers] of the
Chamber of the Commune [Camera del Comune]; most of the documents so far
studied are about the fifteenth century, but some data at the end of
the fourteenth century were extracted from them 2. Those of the
executive 3, or rather of the captain and the podestà [chief magistrate], have not yet provided results useful for those years.
As for the series of books of the podestà, great difficulty is
encountered selecting the units of possible interest, and also in being
able to consult them once selected. In particular, of the books of the
old Inventory 4 available in the ASFI, very few are dedicated to inventiones,
i.e.the capture of offenders caught in the act; when these archival
units are not found reported, it remains to verify the possibility that
the related documents have been included in some book of the Officium extraordinariorum.
An attempt to do so has led to selecting two units for the year 1377,
the very year of the first Florentine reports on naibi. The aim was not
to find others so early, but only to control the situation of the game
for convictions at the time when naibi were introduced. It is of two
outwardly virtually identical books, with the same dimensions of 30x23
cm and covered with parchment on which are painted one central crest and
four of similar magnitude in the corners.
_________________
2 http://www.naibi.net/A/416-GIGLIO300-Z.pdf
3 http://www.naibi.net/A/417-ESECUTORE-Z.pdf
4 ASFI, Inventario N/26.
168
The first book 5, of 28 pages, contains a record of activities and above
all, announcements, with the standard formulas that record the
promulgation of notifications to the citizens by the official town
crier. The first book 5, of 28 pages, contains a record of activities
and above all, announcements, with the standard formulas that record the
promulgation of notifications to the citizens by the official town
crier. What we are interested in are captures done on behalf of the
podestà for carrying weapons, being out at night and, especially,
gambling. There are no records of such captures in this book, but
documentations of this kind can be found in the second part of the other
book examined.
This second book 6, of 48 pages, begins with a couple of pages
concerning the installation of the new podestà Pietro, Marquis of the
marquisates of Monte Santa Maria. The podestà of Florence was chosen
from among the foreign knights of the more or less ancient nobility; in
this case the Marquis was no doubt of an ancient family and even of
imperial descent.
The notary who writes this book is Matteo of Pizzica, who comes from the
same marquisate of Monte Santa Maria from which the podestà came; his
handwriting is particularly beautiful and clear, apart from some of the
abbreviations. As is usual, there is a precise summary list of the
powers conferred by the podestà to the various officers and employees.
Of interest to us are the three knights (indicated with the
corresponding term in medieval Latin, milex sotius) Aloisio, Antonio and Bellaccio, and especially the notary delegated for extraordinary cases, as we read in f. 3r: "Item elegit et deputavit in suum notarium extraordinariorum viz. Ser Guelfutium Francisci de Civitate Castelli" [Item: chosen and appointed its secretary extraordinary viz. Ser Guelfutium Francesco of Città di Castello].
On ff. 4-10 are recorded all meetings chaired by the podestà; They are
stereotyped texts, inserted usually five or six per page, in which the
only significant detail is the date. The second part of the book,
starting from f. 12r, corresponding to July 10, contains the podestà's
records of patrols in search of possible offenders against the laws on
arms, being out at night, and gambling. Finding these sentencings in a
book of the podestà cannot cause surprise, because such convictions can
also be found recorded in the previous decades. But it was a huge
surprise to see that in this period so early are already recorded some
sentencings [condanne] of naibi players. [Note: I translate "condanne"
as "sentencings" here and sometimes elsewhere, rather than "sentences",
in an attempt to convey the impromptu nature of the proceedings; the
patrols levy the fines, Franco says, and the offenders pay, mostly on
the spot, as opposed to coming before a judge in a later proceeding.]
Those sentenced for games [per gioco]
The three knights of the podestà do their regular inspection tours in the city at the head of the group of berrovieri [policemen
assigned to this duty], and of all these rounds a continuous
verbalization is kept in the book under review, already indicating in
the section when the rounds took place at night. Many times it records,
with a standard and rather long-winded formulation, that the group
returned without having caught anyone. Catches recorded by the knights
are exclusively for being out at night and for bearing arms. At the end
of August there appears a fourth name added to those of the knights of
the podestà: Blaxius, probably “Blasio” in Italian [or more correctly
"Biagio", Franco tells me in correspondence]. One might say that the
newcomer
______________
5 ASFI, Podestà, 2261.
6 ASFI, Podestà, 2262.
169
comports himself most zealously, so that among those caught are also included some players of zara [a dice game], those indicated in the table below in italics with an asterisk.
All the data in the table indicating sentencings for game-playing, except the three above [the three with an asterisk, convicted for zara], result from the activity of a single officer of the podestà, the notary Ser Guelfuccio, assigned to extraordinary cases and coming from Città di Castello, a town not far from Monte Santa Maria. Plainly, this officer is dedicated particularly to catching players [per gioco]. In particular, among those sentenced by his action, none appears for being out at night, the most frequent sentencing for the knights of the podestà, but this is explained immediately by the fact that there are no nocturnal rounds for the group under the notary’s command. Apart from only two cases in which Ser Guelfuccio sentences men carrying prohibited weapons, all of his sentencings are for games, for us of great interest.
[in the table below, through 12 Aug. [Agosto is on p. 169; the rest is on p. 170]
Unlike previous years, here next to zara appears naibi. In the Latin text zara is indicated systematically as ludus çardi, but sometimes appears ludus tassillorum, which probably did not indicate a different game. The game of naibi, however, is always referred to as ludus nayborum.
As expected, the sentencings for playing games are overwhelmingly
associated with that of zara. For this game it was quite common at the
time to find groups of numerous players captured together, which will
become less and less frequent with the passing years; here the number of
zara players simultaneously captured varies from one all the way up to
thirteen.
In particular, there is a noticeable decline in captures towards the end
of the period. This is also true for the other officers of the podestà,
so much so that the last recorded capture is for someone surprised at
night by Blasio on 30 September, while in October eighteen nocturnal
rounds of the podestà’s group were recorded, all without captures, up to
the last on f. 46r, on 9 October, followed only by a couple of blank
pages.
The captures for games of naibi might seem a negligible contribution,
but they are not. Numerically they represent a good ten percent of the
total, eleven cases compared to 105 total for zara, and this is
certainly no small thing for a new game, compared with the most popular
game throughout the Middle Ages. In short, the game of naibi had
evidently already become familiar among Florentines.
171
Players of naibi
The Latin text of the book is not being transcribed here, but at least
the names of these first known Florentine card players must be reported.
It should be noted in this regard that the transition from Latin to
current Italian can lead, among other things, to confusing the
patronymic with the last name: families who at the time had a last name
were relatively few, and so perhaps what is given in the table should
read di Donato, di Cecco, etc. In the last column a reference number is
inserted, whose only purpose is to display better the seat of the parish
in Fig. 1 [for which see p. 173].
It may be significant that all the cases are Florentine players, because
in captures for the game of zara there is often instead the presence of
foreigners [i.e. foreign in relation to Florence]. Comparing the data
on naibi with those on zara, you may notice a minor variation in the
number of players caught for the offense: In our case it goes from two
to four. That information is certainly not sufficient to conclude that
the game of naibi was for two, three, or four players. If you were able
to deduce participation by the number captured, based on subsequent
evidence one would have to conclude that naibi could be played even
alone, a result that is clearly absurd. However, it remains significant
that for naibi one never meets, even later on, captures of large groups
of players, as sometimes happens for zara.
172
Unlike other cases, the professions of these Florentine gamblers are
never mentioned in the document in the study; however their, popular
character is confirmed by the names and parishes of origin. We encounter
eleven players from six parishes, which are distributed in a wide
radius of the city. The first three are on the right bank of the Arno
(St. Ambrose, St. Pier Maggiore and S. Reparata), the last three on the
left bank (St. Felicitas, St. George, St. Frediano). Most of these
churches still exist; only S. Reparata was demolished for the
construction of the new cathedral, and S. Pier Maggiore because the
structure had become unsafe. Fig. 1 schematically shows the positions of
the parishes within the last circle of the city walls, built half a
century earlier; compared to the previous circle, they are almost all
outside The wide dispersion in the city is evident, but of particular
interest is the fact that the peripheral areas richest in manufacture
are represented, where there was extensive use of low-level workers who
had their poor dwellings precisely in these two rather unhealthy zones,
let us say to the E and SW of the ancient center.
The spread of playing cards
So far we have seen how the documents studied could provide useful
information on Florentine card players and how the new game had already
spread throughout the city. Next to this aspect, however, there was
inevitably another, also important, the production and trade of playing
cards. There are significant elements, in Florence, showing us how in
this city there could have been a rapid development of the new game.
Here you must understand: in any location a new game could quickly take
hold on the population and win their favor; but this was not the game of
morra, done with the fingers of one hand
[like what is called in English "scissors-rock-paper"], it also needed
the new cards in order to play.
In this connection one often reads that the first playing cards were
objects that were not only new, but also expensive and valuable, made of
parchment with gesso primer, perhaps covered with gold, as well as
having on the front such beautiful paintings as are usually sought in
court circles. (We often forget that the testimonies of those high-level
environments were recorded and then also preserved longer and better
than any testimonials of popular setting.) So it is assumed that it has
taken a longer or shorter period before playing cards could "descend" to
the common people, if only because of their high cost that prevented a
widespread distribution among the people.
On the court circles and the relevant documentation I have really
nothing to add to to the great deal that can be read, but on the popular
character, yes. First I would like to recall that in Florence there was
a typical and much appreciated manufacture of orpelli and argenpelli
[pieces of parchment or leather to which was affixed a layer of gold
and silver, real or imitation], which, as objects, apart from the
different use, were not very different from naibi. The Florentine
production was
173
much appreciated, and even Francesco di Marco Datini and his associates
and successors at Avignon imported precisely from Florence hundreds of
dozens in the second half of the fourteenth century, over several
decades. On this point I refer to my previous study, also published in
this journal. 7 In fact, to pass from a stack of orpelli to a pack of
naibi would not require large variations in the process.
Conclusion
Two Books of the Podestà of Florence were studied for the period July -
October 1377. Among those caught red-handed for infractions by the
agents [famiglia] of the podestà were recorded those sentenced for
games: a hundred captures were recorded for the game of zara and indeed
eleven for the game of naibi, surprising considering that only in March
of the same year the provision was approved that prohibited them. The
eleven players lived in six different parishes in poor areas of the
city. The spread of the game in Florence was commented on, and we can
deduce the logical consequence that there was already a significant
production of playing cards; This could have been based on the
experience gained for decades by Florentine artisans in the manufacture
of carte [parchment] and pelli [leather] (including silver and gold).
_________________
7 F. Pratesi, The Playing-Card, Vol. 26, No. 2 (1997), 38-45. [See also his Nov. 2015 study at http://www.naibi.net/A/428-ORPELLI-Z.pdf.]
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